在美國(guó)大選年,貿(mào)易爭(zhēng)論越來(lái)越出現(xiàn)保護(hù)主義的趨勢(shì)。在此之際,美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)正在考慮批準(zhǔn)美國(guó)與中美洲國(guó)家的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定。上月簽署的中美洲自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定(Cafta)將尼加拉瓜、洪都拉斯、薩爾瓦多、危地馬拉,以及上周日達(dá)成的協(xié)議,將哥斯達(dá)黎加納入了北美貿(mào)易區(qū)。如同北
美自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定(Nafta)一樣,中美洲自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定給該地區(qū)經(jīng)濟(jì)一體化、穩(wěn)定和民主化的貢獻(xiàn)不可估量。
|
Just as US election-year rhetoric on
trade turns protectionist, lawmakers are considering ratification of the US free
trade agreement with Central American countries. The Central American Free Trade
Agreement, signed last month, brings Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala
and, following agreement on Sunday, Costa RicasintosNorth America's fold. Like
the North American Free Trade Agreement, Cafta will add immeasurably to regional
integration, stability and democratisation. |
但是,民主黨和共和黨雙方均將關(guān)于貿(mào)易問(wèn)題的辯論簡(jiǎn)化為一個(gè)詞:就業(yè)。是競(jìng)選政治的邏輯勝出呢?還是國(guó)會(huì)和總統(tǒng)候選人意識(shí)到Cafta以及眾多優(yōu)點(diǎn),從政治上予以支持并盡快批準(zhǔn)呢?
|
Yet Democrats and Republicans have
reduced the debate about trade to one word: jobs. Will the logic of campaign
politics prevail, or will Congress, and the presidential hopefuls, recognise
that Cafta and its many merits demand political support and rapid ratification?
|
在目前總統(tǒng)大選的情況下,與中美洲新的貿(mào)易協(xié)議不單單顯示貿(mào)易政策走向,同時(shí)也展示自由貿(mào)易政策可能達(dá)到的成就。民主黨,特別是總統(tǒng)候選人,應(yīng)當(dāng)意識(shí)到中美洲自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定包括了羅斯福、肯尼迪和克林頓總統(tǒng)倡導(dǎo)的自由貿(mào)易承諾。共和黨必須承認(rèn),Cafta是邁向廢除代價(jià)高昂的農(nóng)業(yè)補(bǔ)貼的重大步驟。正是該問(wèn)題使全球自由貿(mào)易談判陷入僵局。
|
In the context of the presidential
election, a new trade agreement with Central America is not merely a symbol of
the direction of trade policy. It points to what liberal trade policy might
achieve. Democrats - in particular the presidential candidates - should
recognise that Cafta embodies a commitment to free trade furthered by presidents
Roosevelt, Kennedy and Clinton. Republicans must acknowledge that Cafta marks a
significant step towards abolishing costly farm subsidies that have imperilled
global free trade negotiations. |
在針對(duì)是否批準(zhǔn)該協(xié)議進(jìn)行的國(guó)會(huì)辯論期間,無(wú)論任何政黨都不應(yīng)當(dāng)忽視Cafta對(duì)美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治的長(zhǎng)期價(jià)值。美國(guó)自由貿(mào)易政策對(duì)美國(guó)社會(huì)繁榮的貢獻(xiàn)并未得到應(yīng)有的估量。Nafta和現(xiàn)在的Cafta顯示,堅(jiān)持自由貿(mào)易政策能夠?yàn)槊绹?guó)帶來(lái)許多長(zhǎng)期利益。
|
During the congressional debate over
ratifying the agreement, neither party should lose sight of Cafta's long-term
economic and political value to the US. The contributions of America's free
trade policy to the country's welfare have gone largely unappreciated. Nafta
and, now, Cafta demonstrate that a dedicated free trade policy can lead to many
long-term benefits for the US. |
上月是Nafta實(shí)施10周年。自從該協(xié)議實(shí)施以來(lái),在鼓勵(lì)美國(guó)、加拿大,更重要的是墨西哥的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和社會(huì)繁榮方面提供了有力的證據(jù)。在Nafta實(shí)施以來(lái)的10年中,貿(mào)易伙伴之間的貿(mào)易總額翻了一番還多,2003年達(dá)到了6210億美元,而美國(guó)向加拿大和墨西哥的出口從1420億美元增長(zhǎng)到2630億美元。
|
Nafta, which celebrated its 10th
anniversary this month, has built up a powerful record of encouraging growth and
prosperity in the US, Canada and, most significantly, Mexico. In Nafta's first
decade, total trade between the partners more than doubled, reaching bn in
2003, while US exports to Canada and Mexico grew from bn to bn.
|
持批評(píng)態(tài)度的人們?cè)鴵?dān)心Nadta將導(dǎo)致所謂的“逐低競(jìng)爭(zhēng)” (race
to the
bottom),從而打擊墨西哥經(jīng)濟(jì),這種觀點(diǎn)證明是完全錯(cuò)誤的。過(guò)去10年中,墨西哥向美國(guó)的出口增長(zhǎng)了242%,與Nafta相關(guān)的貿(mào)易幫助創(chuàng)造了100多萬(wàn)個(gè)新的工作崗位。現(xiàn)在墨西哥每5個(gè)工人中就有一個(gè)是在出口相關(guān)的產(chǎn)業(yè)工作,為出口行業(yè)工作人們的工資比在為國(guó)內(nèi)經(jīng)濟(jì)服務(wù)的工人工資高出37%。
|
Critics who feared Nafta would start
a "race to the bottom" that would hit the Mexican economy could not have been
more wrong. In the past 10 years, Mexican exports to the US have grown by 242
per cent and Nafta-related trade has helped to create more than 1m new jobs.
These export jobs now employ one in five Mexican workers, providing wages 37 per
cent higher than jobs servicing the domestic economy. |
在后冷戰(zhàn)的世界,穩(wěn)定的鄰國(guó)有利于增強(qiáng)美國(guó)的安全,自由貿(mào)易在幫助形成美國(guó)的地區(qū)伙伴方面意義重大。墨西哥的新繁榮為該國(guó)的轉(zhuǎn)型奠定了基礎(chǔ),使它由一個(gè)貧窮的鄰國(guó)向一個(gè)富有生機(jī)、實(shí)行多黨制民主和負(fù)責(zé)任的穩(wěn)定北美伙伴國(guó)過(guò)渡。甚至對(duì)那些批評(píng)自由貿(mào)易最尖銳的人們來(lái)說(shuō),這些證據(jù)也應(yīng)當(dāng)是不言而喻的:即自由貿(mào)易對(duì)美國(guó)的安全和繁榮均有好處。Cafta將繼續(xù)朝著這個(gè)方向發(fā)展。
|
In a post-cold-war world, stable
neighbours enhance US security - and free trade is essential to help build up
America's regional partners. Mexico's new-found prosperity laid the foundation
for the country's transition from a needy neighbour to a vibrant yet stable
multi-party democracy that is a responsible partner in North America. The
Mexican experience serves as a model for its neighbours. It should be evident to
even the most caustic critic of free trade that such developments benefit US
security as well as prosperity. Cafta will continue this positive pattern of
development. |
但是,美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)山和其他持有批評(píng)態(tài)度的人們也警告說(shuō),Cafta在保障勞工權(quán)利和保護(hù)環(huán)境方面準(zhǔn)備不足。在這個(gè)問(wèn)題上,他們也是錯(cuò)誤的。貿(mào)易政策導(dǎo)致整個(gè)北美地區(qū)工人獲得廣泛的社會(huì)福利改善方面,Nafta也提供了很好的例證。Nafta實(shí)施10來(lái),外部世界對(duì)墨西哥當(dāng)?shù)貏诠T例表示了強(qiáng)烈的關(guān)注,這些關(guān)注不僅僅是來(lái)自加拿大和美國(guó)的觀察家。這種發(fā)展有助于強(qiáng)化基本的勞工標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和改善工會(huì)以及工人條件。
|
But critics on Capitol Hill and
elsewhere also warn that Cafta does not sufficiently deal with labour rights and
environmental concerns. Here, too, they are mistaken - Nafta is a positive
example of trade policy leading to broader social benefits for workers
throughout the hemisphere. In Mexico, 10 years of Nafta have led to intensive
external scrutiny of local labour practices, not least by observers from Canada
and the US. This has helped strengthen basic and improved conditions for unions
and workers alike. |
Cafta在中美洲勞工條件改善方面作出了同樣的承諾。環(huán)境保護(hù)條款也很積極,承諾實(shí)行國(guó)際公認(rèn)的環(huán)境保護(hù)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和進(jìn)行技術(shù)合作。目前,美國(guó)在該地區(qū)尚無(wú)約束性的環(huán)境保護(hù)協(xié)議。
|
Cafta's labour commitments promise
similar improvements for Central American workers. The environmental text is
also positive, with its new commitments to internationally recognised benchmarks
on environmental protection and technical co-operation. Currently, the US has no
binding environmental agreements in the region. |
很長(zhǎng)時(shí)間以來(lái),人們低估了Nafta帶來(lái)的實(shí)際利益。我們不應(yīng)該讓Cafta葬于國(guó)會(huì)的保護(hù)主義之手,成為競(jìng)選政治的犧牲品。Nafta提供了有力的的證據(jù):自由貿(mào)易增進(jìn)美國(guó)的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)利益,也在同等程度上強(qiáng)化美國(guó)的價(jià)值。Cafta將給美國(guó)和中美洲美國(guó)貿(mào)易伙伴帶來(lái)同樣的好處。將自由貿(mào)易延伸到該地區(qū),美國(guó)將會(huì)從中獲益。
|
The practical benefits of Nafta have
long been undervalued. We should not let Cafta fall prey to cynical politics and
die at the hands of a protectionist Congress. Nafta has provided potent evidence
that free trade supports US values as much as it does US economic and political
interests. Cafta offers the same benefits to the US as to America's partners in
Central America. By extending free trade further in the region, the US would
stand to benefit. |
作者是美國(guó)貿(mào)易代表辦公室政策計(jì)劃主任,法律事務(wù)所Hunton &
Williams的國(guó)際業(yè)務(wù)實(shí)務(wù)策略部門主席。 |
The writer, a former director of
policy planning at the Office of the US Trade Representative, chairs the
Strategic International Business Practice at Hunton & Williams LLP
|
譯者/秋實(shí) |
|
|
|